Anti-Imperialism Day 7/26

So many of us in Miami and New York, so many of our families, wound up in the US as the result of imperialism.

On the anniversary of the 1915 US invasion of Haiti, come hear several speakers talk about the effects of imperialism in various countries, and the need for international solidarity and struggle against it. Talks and discussion will be followed up by a celebration of culture and internationalism. RSVP today!

RSVP: Miami

RSVP: New York 

6p – 8p; Speakers & Discussion
8:30p – 10:30p; Music, Dance & Poetry

* Daniel, a revolutionary militant, will talk about imperialist domination of Haiti
* Lissette from the Madre Tierra Collective will speak about Nicaragua
* Kaan of One Struggle will speak about the Rapid Response Network, the global minimum wage struggle and imperialism as globalized capitalism
* Vanessa Urbina Bermúdez of Madre Tierra will perform a traditional Colombian dance.
* Kazoots will perform their brand of Afro Indie Rock
*Unity Rise will play rousing political folk-punk
* More performers TBA!

Veye Yo
39 NW 54 ST, Miami, FL 33137

Free; donations welcome (to support the organizing activities of One Struggle)


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JULY 28, 1915 – JULY 28, 2014: 99 Years of Imperialist Domination Since the First U.S. Occupation of Haiti

IMG_7709The 19-year U.S. occupation of Haiti, which started on July 28, 1915, is a significant marker of Yankee imperialist aggression. In the era of Big Stick policy, the U.S. invaded and/or occupied many of the countries in the Caribbean and Central America, including Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, and Panama… Since the start of the 20th Century, not counting secret operations, there have been over 120 U.S. military aggressions, more than one per year on average. There are more than 865 U.S. military bases abroad in more than 63 countries. The U.S. budget for defense and security-related activities represents 41% of the world’s military budget. The U.S. Navy is larger than the combined navies of the next 13 countries, 11 of which are U.S. allies. The U.S. maintains 5,113 nuclear warheads, enough to exterminate humankind many times over. Right now, the U.S. is engaged in at least 8 theaters of war: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia and the Congo and the Philippines, not counting the “Global War on Terrorism”.

While most of this country’s population has been brainwashed into believing that the U.S. is a worldwide peacekeeper and a defender of democracy, the facts prove quite the contrary. For over a century, the U.S. has been and is still today the leading international imperialist aggressor. U.S. military aggressions have been “the iron fist behind the invisible hand of the Free Market.” From neo-colonial to neoliberal, these policies have included setting up “banana republics” to privatization of state services, austerity plans, reductions in wages and living standards, cutbacks in pensions, cutbacks in education, cutbacks in healthcare, cutbacks in social services, union busting, Free Trade Zones, WTO enforced free trade agreements… The U.S. military is the enforcement arm of U.S. economic policy: the enforcer of “investor friendly” policies, orchestrated through invasions and coups, coerced, through financial crises and the accumulation of state debt, onto working peoples all over the world, including the U.S.

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Poetry for Action

Spark Through the Dark

by Ricardito Ramos

The broken rose can shatter foes

Torn pedals are rough to oppose

scarred and almost froze

Poverty makes it hard to grow

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Fighting Fascism, Fighting Capitalism

by Jeff Monson

Growing up in rural Minnesota and later in the suburbs of Seattle, my only experience with fascists and skinheads was watching the movie American History X or reading the history of the Nazis and the atrocities committed during the Second World War. For the most part I was unaware fascism really even existed anymore, and if it did exist, it was certainly not threatening or relevant. This view has certainly changed the past few years, although the complexities surrounding fascists and even more so the anti-fascist groups that oppose them has created as many questions as definitive answers.

My career as a mixed martial arts fighter has afforded me the opportunity to travel overseas with most of the recent bouts taking place in Europe and Russia. Being known as an anarchist certainly has not helped gain sponsors or get invited to participate in some fighting events, but it opened up opportunities to meet anarchists, communists, anti-fascists, and other groups identifying with the struggle against the destructive forces of capitalism, racism, sexism, and other isms that plague society.

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Thinking Around the NSA

It is no longer a question that we are being monitored. Now, the question
is how do we address the culture of acceptance regarding our loss of
privacy and our organizing?

The NSA began attempting to break old encryption technologies in 2000. Ten years later they could decode old encrypted data that, until then, was secure. As NSA whistleblower, Edward Snowden’s last revelation exposed, the NSA and its British counterpart, the GCHQ, are investing $250 million a year in massively invasive software. This software will covertly and heavily influence the design of numerous undisclosed technological products, making them vulnerable to NSA intrusion. With this enormous budget, $230m more than that of PRISM, the government’s giant private data collection and analysis system, it seems warranted to speculate that Apple’s new technology, which allows police officers to block data (read: video/pictures) transmissions in any area, could be a result of an undisclosed partnership between the U.S. government and Apple.

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Ten Years of UN Military Occupation of Haiti: Background and Current Effects

by Kiki Makandal, One Struggle (NY) and the Batay Ouvriye Solidarity Network

To understand the impact of nine years of UN military occupation on the lives of workers in Haiti, one really has to go back to the original push for neoliberal reform in Haiti since the early 1970s, because this most recent intervention and occupation is only the most recent implementation of this policy.

By neoliberal reform, we mean the push for “free trade” (reduction of import tariffs, quotas, etc.), privatization of state-run enterprises, reduction of state social programs (such as health and education), currency devaluation and stabilization, promotion of sweatshop assembly manufacturing and agro-industry sectors that support the interests of large multi-nationals—that is to say all the policies that have systematically impoverished workers throughout the “third world” and enriched billionaires and multi-national corporations.

The ’70s saw the original start of the assembly manufacturing sector in Haiti, which was facilitated by extremely low wages, the absence of unions due to the repression of the Duvalier dictatorship, and the huge tax incentives granted to foreign investors. This quickly led to Haiti becoming the top producer of baseballs in the world, a significant producer of electronic goods and various assembled textile products.

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The Limits of Non Profits

Aspirations for society-changing careers frequently take form at nonprofits*. This is partly because they provide jobs; nearly 7% of them in the United States, and partly because they appear to involve less cynical compliance with the status quo than so-called “corporate” jobs.

Despite your analysis of capitalism and ways to move beyond it (or reforming it, if you don’t believe in anything better), it’s likely that you believe a preliminary step to any sort of massive change to the empire in developing a more progressive and critical political climate in all social contexts. Because the social context created by the nonprofit sector is determined by the constraints of government contracts, foundation and government grants, and individual donations, non-government organizations (NGOs) are limited in their role as an incubator for progressives practice.

Even with the increase in the collective realization that “the system” does not work in our interest, nonprofits might still be imagined as a wholly independent force at play. Although there’s a few ways in which nonprofits can aid the development of a mass movement, they coauthor our current government’s main narrative: reconciling the management of public outrage and the legitimization of corporations’ profit-motives implicit in the systems of accountability between funders and charities.

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